Posted by Admin Direktori Blog | Posted on 7:43 PG
- Anwar backs Azmin on Khalid’s MB job, says must have consensus
- Tawdry victory
- Mockery Through Caricature — Electoral Fraud In Malaysia
- The malapportionment of blame
- Why the ‘urban tsunami’ stopped at the coast
- World leaders urged against blind endorsement of GE13
- Ibu Segala Tipu
- KENYATAAN AKHBAR: KEJAYAAN MEMPERTAHANKAN KERAJAAN PAKATAN RAKYAT SELANGOR DAN PERLANTIKAN MENTERI BESAR SELANGOR
Posted: 11 May 2013 05:41 AM PDT
Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim appeared to have backed his confidant Azmin Ali in calling for a consultation process for the Selangor mentri besar post after the latter claimed Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim's candidacy had bypassed the democratic process.
The PKR advisor also appeared to have suggested that the party were considering removing Abdul Khalid when he told Sinar Harian that the consultation should include discussions on other possible candidates for the job.
"I have no problem with Tan Sri Khalid. But the problem is… there is no problem but there should be consultation. Are there other names? New faces? Do we continue?" Sinar Harian quoted him as saying.
Anwar (picture), however, added that they will solve the debacle within these few days.
The tussle over the mentri besar post has pushed PKR into a leadership crisis with its deputy president now openly accusing the party of "nepotism" when he alleged it had bypassed the consultation process in picking Abdul Khalid for the job.
Azmin also appeared to question Abdul Khalid's leadership at a press conference yesterday, and said he was seeking a meeting with PKR's national leaders for a consensus decision to be made on who gets to be the new Selangor MB.
The debacle has sparked talk that Azmin, who is also said to be vying for the position, would leave PKR following the party's supposed endorsement of Abdul Khalid's governance.
Azmin dismissed the speculation at yesterday's press conference where he was flanked by some of the party's Selangor line-up in what appeared to be a sign of protest against Abdul Khalid's likely reappointment as the state's chief executive.
Although the Bukit Antarabangsa assemblyman was evasive when bombarded by questions for his view on the candidacy for the post, the PKR deputy president made several insinuations that leaders from the party's Selangor chapter were against Abdul Khalid's reappointment.
However, a majority of Selangor PKR lawmakers and division chiefs want Abdul Khalid to be reappointed as the state's mentri besar, party sources have said, amid protests by a faction led by Azmin.
The Malaysian Insider understands the endorsement was made at a closed-door "gathering" held at Empire Hotel in Subang Jaya on Monday where most of the 14 state assemblymen, 16 division chiefs and a few federal MPs who attended felt that Abdul Khalid should be allowed to lead the PR Selangor government for a second term.
The two other Pakatan Rakyat component parties, the DAP and PAS, have also backed Abdul Khalid for the job despite winning more seats than PKR in Selangor.
The DAP and PAS each won 15 seats in Selangor at the May 5 general election, with PKR netting 14.
Posted: 11 May 2013 04:42 AM PDT
The government scrapes home — allegedly aided by vote rigging
ON MAY 5th Malaysia's Barisan Nasional coalition, led by the prime minister, Najib Razak (above), was re-elected for the 13th time in a row. Barisan won a majority of seats in parliament, 133 out of 222, against 89 for the opposition, a three-party coalition called Pakatan Rakyat and led by Anwar Ibrahim. The turnout was a record 85%. And so the same government which has ruled Malaysia since independence from Britain in 1957 is set for another five years in office.
Within Barisan, the overriding sense is of relief. It did slightly better in terms of seats than some had predicted. Scratch the surface, however, and in almost every respect this was a lamentable result for the ruling coalition, its worst ever. Not only did it lose a further seven seats to Pakatan, but it won with only 47% of the popular vote. It is further evidence of how the electoral system is skewed in Barisan's favour, allowing it to stack up seats in the rural Malay heartlands with far fewer voters than Pakatan needs to win seats in more urban areas. In many places the opposition increased large majorities. For instance, in Penang in the north of the country the Barisan defeat was so humiliating that its candidate for governor, Teng Chang Yeow, resigned from all his party posts. Several government ministers lost their seats.
Most striking was that ethnic Chinese (about a quarter of the population) shifted their votes away from Barisan towards the opposition. The Chinese party of the Barisan coalition, the Malaysian Chinese Association, won just seven seats, down from 15, whereas the opposition's mainly Chinese Democratic Action Party (DAP) picked up ten seats, for a final tally of 38.
Mr Najib, unwisely, spoke of a "Chinese tsunami" breaking over his Barisan coalition. He has only his party to blame. The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) dominates the Barisan coalition and appeals mainly to ethnic Malays and other indigenous groups who make up two-thirds of the population. UMNO ran a nasty, divisive campaign in the heartlands. This shored up its base of rural Malay voters, known as the bumiputra ("sons of the soil"). But it also alienated Chinese and other voters, already tired of the cronyism and corruption associated with affirmative-action policies that favour Malays over other ethnicities in business, education and the civil service.
So, despite professing to promote a multi-ethnic Malaysia, Barisan's election strategy has left the country more divided than ever, both along ethnic lines and between urban and rural areas. The Malay press has not helped, with headlines asking "What more do the Chinese want?", as if ethnic Chinese acted ungratefully towards Barisan.
For their part, DAP leaders argue that the result was not so much the consequence of a Chinese tsunami as an urban one. The heartland of the party is in urban and semiurban seats, where it increased its share of the Malay as well as the Chinese vote.
Yet the result will not be the only dent in the government's authority. So too will be the manner in which it was gained. Barisan starts all elections with incumbent advantages, including a slavish state media, tons of cash and constituency boundaries drawn in its favour. On top of that, allegations of dirty campaign tricks abound. "Phantom voters", for example, appear to have been bussed into marginal constituencies to boost the Barisan vote. Nurul Izzah Anwar, Mr Anwar's daughter, contested one such seat in Kuala Lumpur. She and her supporters met several Bangladeshi workers who had been brought into the constituency to vote. She won, but only just.
In Penang, where Barisan was desperate to unseat the DAP, its people took over cafés and restaurants for the campaign's duration in order to give away free beer and food and hold lucky draws. Even Mr Teng, Barisan's candidate for governor, called this "unacceptable". In the state of Sabah, where Barisan stacked up crucial seats, many stories circulated of straightforward cash handouts to voters.
Independent domestic groups monitoring the elections are still gathering information about fraud, but their verdicts so far are damning enough. Ambiga Sreenevasan, the head of Bersih, campaigning for fair elections, calls them the "dirtiest yet".
Mr Anwar claims that fraud cost him the election. On May 8th he and followers staged a big protest rally against the result. His claim is almost certainly an exaggeration. Still, the bitterness engendered by the vote will persist. "National reconciliation", which Mr Najib sees as the way to heal the wounds, looks a way off.
Posted: 11 May 2013 04:14 AM PDT
Posted: 11 May 2013 04:05 AM PDT
In the past week, two Malay newspapers Utusan Malaysia and Kosmo! chose to have as their headlines controversial statements that could be considered incendiary in reference to the Chinese having rejected Barisan Nasional in favour of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat, following the results of the 13th general elections held almost a week ago.
Both former and current Prime Ministers Dr Mahathir Mohamed and Najib Abdul Razak (right) have said as much, creating the public perception that this election marked out the stark difference in voting patterns between the Malays and Chinese, especially in the latter’s reference to a 'Chinese Tsunami’.
Malaysians have to caution against this ethnic positioning as an easy blame game, for several reasons.
First, it is more accurate to state that the results saw a split between urban and rural voters, hence a spatial and class, rather than an ethnic, divide.
Pakatan strengthened its incumbent position by winning two-third majorities in Selangor and Penang, the two most industrialised and urban states, which together contribute to the almost 60 percent of the country’s GDP.
In Selangor, the only parliamentary seats won by Barisan were in the more rural or semi-urban areas such as Sabak Bernam, Sungai Besar and Tanjong Karang.
In Seremban, DAP candidate Anthony Loke would not have won with more than a 12,000 majority (and a 16,501 swing) had it not been for Malay support, where Malays constitute 44 percent of the seat’s population.
Flawed argument gets nailed
The argument that opposition gains were only due to Chinese swing is also not fully accurate, since Malay-majority seats such as Kuala Terengganu (89 percent Malay, 10 percent Chinese) were wrested by Pakatan with a 10,785 majority (and a 11,413 swing). Both are urban seats.
It is ,therefore, too simplistic to attribute the opposition’s gains to racial polarisation, since one must equally examine class and geographical differences.
Second, the allegations of electoral fraud make it difficult for accurate analysis to take place.
Pakatan has accused the electoral system of being rigged through a number of ways, such as providing identity cards for foreigners to vote, flying them into the peninsula en masse from East Malaysia, and Malaysians having their names either removed from the voter roll or registered without their knowledge, 'indelible ink’ that was very easily removed, and vote-buying, among other discrepancies.
If the fraud is indeed as widespread as alleged, then this raises serious concerns as to the legitimacy of the election results, which has a direct effect on our reading of voter sentiment.
Out of the 24 parliamentary seats with a majority of less than 1,500, 17 of them were eventually won by Barisan – including Bentong and Kuala Selangor, where initial results saw the Pakatan candidates leading.
In many cases, the number of spoilt votes exceeded the majority, and the majority was less than 4 percent of the total number of votes, the latter of which would have required a recount although this was denied in Kuala Selangor.
Game of statistics stripped
Barisan is now the federal government because it bagged 133 seats out of the 222 in total, giving it a majority of 22 seats.
However, a series of questions must be asked: Could the Barisan win at the federal level be attributed to the wins in these marginal seats, some of which had their results changed after the recounts?
If so, should the Election Commission not investigate the alleged fraud cases that could have affected the outcomes of the razor-thin wins of such seats, which in turn would have led to a very different result?
Finally, statistics are emerging that demonstrate the effects of malapportionment on the election results. Pakatan’s 89 seats had an average of 63,191 votes cast, compared with Barisan’s 133 seats which had an average of 39,381.
Simply put, Pakatan won in the seats with larger constituencies, while Barisan won in the smaller ones.
This explains the Barisan win, despite Pakatan having won the popular vote with 51.4 percent of the population’s support and Barisan with 48.6 percent.
Moving forward, both political coalitions – together with civil society – will have to reflect deeply upon what actions are needed to address these issues, as well as their mid to long-term implications.
Time to look at naked truth
There is an urgent need for Pakatan to craft messages that better target the low-income, rural and Malay voters, assuring them that their lifelines would not be cut off without Umno around.
Barisan has to take a good look at its coalition model, since its component parties MCA and Gerakan are effectively depleted.
It will also have to examine the reasons for which urban, middle-class voters rejected their offerings so resoundingly.
In order for the alleged electoral fraud to be taken seriously, cases have to be systematically compiled and recorded.
Bersih 2.0 has stated it would organise a People’s Tribunal to this end, while PKR has appointed newly elected Member of Parliament Rafizi Ramli for its compilation purposes.
This will be in addition to the election petitions expected to be filed by Pakatan parties in 20 constituencies or so, in which the winning margin was less than 5 percent.
It is hoped that the lawsuits, which must be filed within 21 days after the results are gazetted, would be an effective recourse sought by Pakatan in seeking justice for what it considers an unfair elections.
Even if these efforts, accompanied by hard evidence, fail to ultimately impact upon the election results, they would still be crucial for the court of public opinion in the coming months, for historical record as well as valuable lessons learnt in order to better prepare for the 14th general election.
Why GE13 should be toasted
Finally, it is clear that without genuine electoral reform, even an election which is the most fundamental form of democracy would not be conducted fairly, nor its citizens’ votes respected.
In a system where parliamentary seats are not fairly weighted nor apportioned, the party with minority support emerges the victor.
This is an unfortunate consequence of the way constituencies are demarcated at present, which can only be amended with a two-third majority support in Parliament.
Before political analysts deduce that this was an election that divided Malaysia racially, one must be cognisant that if not for these irregularities, a very different result would have emerged.
Coming to a conclusion based on the election results at merely face value would not be entirely accurate.
If anything, it must be pointed out that young urban-dwellers voted across ethnic lines for the opposition against a corrupt regime, a trend that will only continue given that urbanisation is expected to exceed 70 percent by 2020.
It is this that should instead be celebrated and not conveniently ignored, in the desperate need to explain the worst election performance in Barisan’s history as entirely due to the racial divide.
In the journey towards a more open, transparent and democratic Malaysia, the 13th general election has raised even more questions on electoral processes, which if not corrected, will have a permanent mark on all future elections.
Posted: 11 May 2013 04:03 AM PDT
Why did rural Sarawakians and Sabahans stay with BN, while their urban counterparts voted overwhelmingly for change?
BN’s strategy of harping on ethnic insecurities made no impact in Borneo, yet BN won 48 of 57 parliamentary seats in Sabah, Labuan and Sarawak.
In Sarawak, even allowing for electoral fraud, it was clear that the “urban tsunami” stopped at the coastal towns of Kuching, Sarikei, Sibu and Miri.
Rural Sarawakians have been denigrated as “squatters” on their own land.
Many have had their native customary rights (NCR) land stolen,their NCR defenders assaulted with machetes, their daughtersraped, their air and rivers polluted, and their lawyers detainedwithout charge.
Some political commentators insist that rural Sarawakians and Sabahans are “stupid” – and proclaim their own stupidity, with disarming honesty.
They forget that Malaysians of various ethnic groups, urban and rural alike, handed Abdullah Ahmad Badawi a triumphant success in 2004, with BN winning 90 percent of parliamentary seats and 64 percent of the popular vote.
Indeed, all the seven additional MPs gained by Pakatan in 2013 were delivered by urban Sabahan and Sarawakian voters.
Still, it is impossible to counteract BN’s winning formula in rural seats, if we do not first try to understand it.
One component is undoubtedly poverty, and consequently, constant exposure to our distorted mainstream media. Another factor is an skewed electoral process.
A third is the logistical advantage of BN, using the state civil service facilities for campaigning.
A fourth is the shoddy organisation of Pakatan component parties outside urban areas. And there is a fifth reason: most rural communities live in a pre-industrial era, untouched by the democratic awakening we have have witnessed in urban Malaysia.
Sarawak and Sabah are crisscrossed by mountain ranges. Most tiny rural communities live in valleys carved by rivers from the rugged landscape.
They practice subsistence farming, and many households earn a monthly income far below the poverty line, RM830 in Sarawak or RM960 in Sabah.
Travelling to a town by river takes days. Even if villagers can scrape together enough cash for a seat on a commercial four-wheel-drive truck, the gravel roads are forbidding.
MASwings operates a twin-propeller service, once or twice weekly to a handful of villages, but fares are prohibitive for rural families. Mobile telephone or internet coverage is extremely sparse.
Political vision is limited by the terrain, and the historical and geographical isolation of these communities.
Big ideas, whether of democracy, good governance, anti-corruption or anti-racism movements, political Islam or liberation theology, 1Malaysia or the welfare state, Marxism or monetarism, have not drifted through these valleys.
Stunted form of democracy
Democracy has not died here. Democracy – as understood by urban Malaysians, including free and fair competition for government, universal suffrage, civil liberties, a system of checks and balance, and an independent press – has not truly been born in rural Sarawak.
Some rural Sarawakians, such as the Iban and the Penan, certainly have an adat or custom of electing their leaders, and a tradition of self-determination, collective decision-making, and egalitarianism.
But Sarawakians from other ethnic groups, including Malays, Bidayuh, Chinese and Orang Ulu, practise feudalism to some degree.
BN has systematically undermined any existing adat of self-determination, by appointing leaders, from the village chief to the penghulu and pemanca or temenggong, and by sacking independent-minded village heads.
BN’s patronage has crippled these communities’ independence. BN has forged its dacing brand as “apai indai” (parents) to rural communities.
Many rural communities are angered by the loss of their neighbours’ land to dams or oil palm estates, but remain afraid to vote against the BN.
BN routinely threatens to deprive them of fuel subsidies, schools, medical care, even disability allowances.
Radio Free Sarawak broadcasts, as well as word of mouth from rural Dayaks and Malays working in towns along the coast or in peninsular Malaysia, have alerted many rural communities to the threats to their NCR land.
Even so, many NCR landowners are as yet unaffected by land grabs, and succumb to the “not in my back yard” sentiment.
They hope that their own land will somehow be spared, by some miracle, from BN’s deformed, top-down “development”.
Several communities have turned to PKR lawyers to fight for NCR land in court, but ironically, vote for BN in elections.
Many sell their votes readily for small bribes of cash, food or beer. Others are intimidated by BN’s threats.
In contrast, urban Malaysians’ fear of authority, and of the ethnic “other”, is fading fast, thanks to urban class conflict, the Bersih rallies, Pakatan’s increasing cohesion, and, ironically, premier Najib’s frantic and misguided efforts to use racist invective to save his own skin, ahead of Umno’s general assembly this year.
Low incomes, low education, low turnouts
“I am very convinced now that the abject poverty of our natives’ folks placed them in a very vulnerable situation, allowing money politics to remain supreme in elections. Rights, idealism and even spiritual principles take a back seat,” Sarawak PKR chairperson BaruBian wrote, after Pakatan failed to win a single rural parliamentary seat on polling day.
“In my area, Limbang, for example, voters were paid RM20, RM30, RM100, RM150, and RM300 depending on the strength of support. Other constituencies were paid RM100 as first payment and RM500 can be claimed after winning the (general election).”
Baru Bian’s (right) observation of vote-buying is not simply an old excuse. BN banked heavily on rural votes, and their outlay clearly paid off in GE13.
Gerrymanderinghas also been honed by BN over decades.
The second smallest parliamentary constituency in Sarawak, Tanjong Manis, has 19,215 registered voters, a quarter of the 84,732 voters in the largest, Stampin (wrested from BN by the DAP with an enormous 18,670 majority).
The smaller rural populations dilute the effects of urban dissent, and make it easier to manipulate and buy voters.
Tanjong Manis had a low turnout of 75 percent. The BN candidate, Norah Abdul Rahman, is chief minister Taib Mahmud’s cousin.
Her two sisters, and business partners, had played an unwitting starring role in a recent Global Witness video exposé.
Despite her sisters’ shameful insults against rural Sarawakians, Norah won 87 percent of votes cast.
Her victory suggests many of her constituents had never seen the video, thanks to BN’s leash on the mainstream media.
The largest constituency, Hulu Rajang, is comparable in size to Pahang, but has only 21,686 names on the roll, and one of the lowest turnout rates nationwide, 68 percent. Low turnouts favour the incumbent.
Lacking supervison, corpses vote?
Baram was expected to go to PKR’s Roland Engan. An independent spoiler, Patrick Sibat, after failing in his bid to be PKR candidate, took 363 votes away from PKR. BN’s Anyi Ngau squeaked through by a margin of 194. Turnout here, 64 percent, was even lower than Hulu Rajang.
In these enormous constituencies, polls monitors and counting agents are scarce, while voting irregularities are common: cash distribution for votes, electoral roll discrepancies, double voting, and ballot box stuffing.
Intriguingly, there were 351 voters over 90 years old (or 1.87 percent of all voters) in Baram, and 182 (or 1.23 percent) in Hulu Rajang.
These numbers, in closely contested seats, were far higher than the corresponding rates of 0.56 percent in Sarawak overall, 0.77 percent in Sabah, 0.19 percent in Selangor, and 0.23 percent in Pahang.
Did nonagenarians display remarkable stamina in two of the poorest areas in Sabah and Sarawak, two of the poorest states? Or were phantom voters using ICs of deceased voters?
In between elections, BN has been investing little into the impoverished rural communities – keeping them insecure, poor, uneducated and easy to control – while extracting too much from Sarawak’s rural populace. BN’s rural chokehold is unsustainable.
Posted: 11 May 2013 03:56 AM PDT
Blind recognition of BN’s win in the 13th general election last Sunday would set a dangerous precedent in world governance, warned poll reform group Global Bersih.
In a statement issued today, it said a dangerous precedent would be set if world leaders welcome the results of the election without “explicitly stating grave concerns about how the poll was conducted.”
“Only the United States has thus far expressed concern over reported electoral irregularities and if other nations don’t follow Washington’s example, they will open the door to corrupt, dictatorial, and authoritarian regimes who seize and hold on to power by any means,” it said.
While congratulating Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak on the BN victory, the White House on Wednesday expressed concern over reported irregularities in the May 5 elections.
“We note concerns regarding reported irregularities in the conduct of the election, and believe it is important that Malaysian authorities address the concerns that have been raised. We look forward to the outcome of their investigations,” said acting White House deputy spokesperson Patrick Ventrell.
He pointed out that addressing these issues is important to strengthen confidence in the electoral process.
Meanwhile, Global Bersih said that it would join the Bersih steering committee in withholding recognition of the Najib administration until the Umno leader withdraws his statement alluding the election results to a “Chinese tsunami”.
“Global Bersih is most disturbed that Malays on the street are now openly confronting Chinese strangers as a direct result of Najib’s shocking statement,” it further said.
“Before Global Bersih reconsiders its position, Najib must also allow due course for an independent investigation into all reports of electoral irregularities,” it added.
It said that failure to tackle electoral gerrymandering will contribute to suspicions and doubts being allayed on the results of the next 14th general election as well.
“All Malaysians should also desist from demonising any foreign nationals who may have been used to shore up BN votes in hotly contested seats,” it said.
It also said that themammoth rally in Kelana Jaya on May 8 protesting electoral irregularities is symbolic of a “new Malaysian diaspora.”
“The Malaysia that awoke on May 6 is a new country that has shaken off the yoke of racism and division in spite of efforts of politicians who tore at the very fabric of a newborn and united society,” it said.
Posted: 11 May 2013 03:50 AM PDT
Posted: 11 May 2013 01:54 AM PDT
SETIAUSAHA AGUNG PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT
KEJAYAAN MEMPERTAHANKAN KERAJAAN PAKATAN RAKYAT SELANGOR DAN PERLANTIKAN MENTERI BESAR SELANGOR
Parti KEADILAN Rakyat memanjatkan rasa syukur kami ke hadrat Allah SWT di atas kejayaan Pakatan Rakyat mempertahankan negeri Selangor dalam Pilihanraya Umum ke-13 baru-baru ini. Kami juga ingin merakamkan ucapan terima kasih dan penghargaan kami dan rakan-rakan sekutu dalam Pakatan Rakyat terhadap para pengundi khususnya dan rakyat negeri Selangor amnya kerana telah memberikan kepercayaan mereka kepada Pakatan Rakyat untuk menerajui kerajaan negeri Selangor buat penggal yang kedua.
Bagi pihak KEADILAN, saya juga ingin merakamkan penghargaan kami kepada pimpinan Pakatan Rakyat negeri Selangor, juga kepada jentera ketiga-tiga Parti KEADILAN, PAS dan DAP yang telah bertungkus lumus dan penuh komited dalam amanah yang dipikul untuk memastikan kepercayaan rakyat Selangor terus diberi kepada Pakatan Rakyat.
Kejayaan ini juga disambut dengan penuh rasa tawaddhu' dan rendah diri, terutama dalam proses untuk menamakan seorang Menteri Besar bagi memimpin kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat Selangor dalam pentadbiran negeri. KEADILAN sesungguhnya amat berbesar hati dan menghormati sokongan oleh PAS dan DAP yang telah bersetuju supaya jawatan Menteri Besar Selangor dinamakan dari Parti KEADILAN Rakyat.
Berteraskan kepada prinsip konsensus dan rundingan serta semangat kesetiakawanan dan kerjasama yang selama ini telah tersemai dalam Pakatan Rakyat, KEADILAN telah mengangkat dua (2) nama dari kalangan Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri KEADILAN yang berjaya memenangi kerusi mereka dalam pilihanraya umum Negeri Selangor baru-baru ini kepada pimpinan PAS dan DAP untuk dibincang secara bersama dengan KEADILAN bagi memilih salah seorang daripada mereka untuk dinamakan sebagai Menteri Besar Selangor.
PAS dan DAP, menerusi Presidennya Yang Berhormat Dato Seri Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Hadi Awang dan Setiausaha Agungnya Yang Amat Berhormat Tuan Lim Guan Eng masing-masing telah bersetuju supaya Yang Berhormat Tan Sri Dato' Seri Abdul Khalid bin Ibrahim, Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri Pelabuhan Klang untuk diangkat sebagai Menteri Besar Selangor dan meneruskan khidmat cemerlang beliau menerajui pentadbiran kerajaan Negeri Selangor sebelum ini.
KEADILAN dengan ini menyeru supaya keseluruhan rakyat Negeri Selangor khususnya dan rakyat Malaysia amnya untuk terus menggembeling semangat kerjasama dan setiakawan antara satu sama lain tanpa mengira agama, bangsa dan warna kulit yang telah selama ini ditunjukkan, bagi terus memastikan agenda perubahan rakyat dapat diteruskan bersama-sama dengan Pakatan Rakyat.
Sekian, terima kasih.
SAIFUDDIN NASUTION ISMAIL
PARTI KEADILAN RAKYAT
10 MEI 2013
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