Isnin, 12 Mac 2012

MY VOICE FOR NATION

R Sivarasa - Ahli Parlimen Subang

R Sivarasa - Ahli Parlimen Subang


Usul Tergempar "COPGATE"

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 09:23 PM PDT

13hb Mac 2012



YB Tan Sri Datuk Pandikar Amin Bin Haji Mulia

Yang di-Pertua Dewan Rakyat

Bangunan Parlimen

50680 Kuala Lumpur 





Tan Sri Yang di-Pertua,





PERKARA: USUL MENANGGUHKAN MESYUARAT DI BAWAH PERATURAN MESYUARAT 18

 Merujuk kepada Peraturan Mesyuarat 18 (1) dan (2), dengan ini saya mohon mencadangkan supaya ditangguhkan Majlis Mesyuarat dengan tujuan merundingkan perkara tertentu berkenaan kepentingan orang ramai yang berkehendak disegerakan.

 Saya , Sivarasa Rasiah [ Subang ] mohon mencadangkan:

 "Bahawa Dewan Rakyat membincangkan tuduhan-tuduhan terhadap Peguam Negara Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail dan mantan Ketua Polis Negara Tan Sri Musa Hassan yang membabitkan mereka dalam perlakuan jenayah yang serius yang telah didedahkan dalam laporan di laman berita internet Malaysiakini pada 11hb Mac 2012 oleh penulis Hafiz Yatim dan membuat suatu ketetapan bahawa Perdana Menteri membuat representasi kepada DYMM YDP Agung untuk melantik satu tribunal di bawah Perkara 125(3) Perlembagaan Persekutuan untuk menyiasat tuduhan serius tersebut dan menentukan samada tuduhan-tuduhan tersebut adalah berasas dan tindakkan susulan yang diperlukan termasuk pelucutan daripada jawatan yang disandang".

 Yang Di-Pertua,

 Seperti yang perlu di bawah Peraturan Mesyuarat 18(2), saya kemukakan satu pemberitahu bertulis yang menerangkan perkara yang diusulkan.

 Saya berpendapat kandungan pemberitahu bertulis dengan nyata menunjukkan bahawa perkara ini melibatkan kepentingan awam.  Perkara ini juga adalah satu perkara tertentu yang melibatkan tingkahlaku Peguam Negara.  Perkara ini juga berkehendak disegerakan selepas pendedahan terbaru dan ternyata pada 11hb Mac 2012 dalam laporan Malaysiakini.

 Atas perkara yang tertentu ini yang melibatkan kepentingan rakyat umum yang perlu disegerakan, saya mohon usul ini dibincangkan.

 Sekian.

 Yang benar,


SivarasaRasiah

AHLI PARLIMEN SUBANG



  

Pemberitahu bertulis di bawah Peraturan Mesyuarat 18(2)

1.Wartawan Malaysiakini En Hafiz Yatim telah dalam satu rencana bertarikh 11 Mac 2012 mendedahkan perbuatan jenayah oleh Peguam Negara Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail dan mantan Ketua Polis Negara. Mengikut isi kandungan rencana tersebut, asasnya adalah beberapa akuan bersumpah  dan juga keterangan daripada Datuk Ramli Yusuff bekas Pengarah PDRM.

2.Jenayah yang didakwa adalah berat dan sekiranya dibuktikan benar  akan mengakibatkan perlucutan daripada jawatan serta-merta dan juga wajib dihukum dengan penjara.
3.Tuduhan yang pertama adalah Gani Patail memberi perlindungan kepada satu orang penting dalam jaringan kongsi gelap di Johor bernama Goh Cheng Poh atau "Tengku Goh".  Dia telah mencelah dalam kes ini selepas Tengku Goh dibuang negeri ke Jeli, Kelantan.

4.Satu pasukan daripda Jabatan Jenayah Komersial Bukit Aman di bawah Datuk Ramli Yusuff  telah mendapati selepas siasatan mereka bahawa Musa Hassan telah bersubahat denganTengku Goh dan melindungi kegiatan judi dan pinjaman wang haram beliau.  Tengku Goh dibuang Negeri ke Jeli, Kelantan.  Akan tetapi seterusnya, Tan Sri Gani Patail telah mencelah dan arahkan polis untuk menyerahkan fail  untuk kes ini di mana fail kemudiannya diserah kepada pihak BPR ( kini SPRM ).  Prosedur untuk melindungi pemberi maklumat dilanggar secara ketara dengan akibat mereka diletak dalam keadaan bahaya.   Pegawai-pegawai SPRM dituduh memaksa beberapa pemberi maklumat menukar kenyataan-kenyataan mereka dengan akibat Tengku Goh berjaya dalam kes mahkamah yang dibawa oleh beliau dan beliau terpaksa dibebaskan.


Sekiranya tuduhan ini dibuktikan, ini bermaksud Tan Sri Gani Patail telah melakukan beberapa jenayah termasuk jenayah bersubahat, jenayah bersubahat  dengan pertubuhan jenayah dan juga memalsukan keterangan.

5.Peguam Negara telah didakwa dibabitkan dalam merekacipta keterangan palsu dalam bentuk tiga lapuran perubatan terhadap Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim berkaitan dengan kes "mata lebam" di 1998. Di dalam kes ini, Peguam Negara  telah mengarah Dr Abdul Rahman,pakar forensic untuk merekacipta 3 laporan perubatan yang kemudiannya dimasuk dalam fail siasatan kes ini dalam percubaan untuk mempengaruhi keputusan dalam kes tersebut.

6.Peguam Negara juga didakwa terlibat dalam tindakkan rasuah dalam kes berkaitan dengan Tajuddin Ramli dan pengurusan MAS.  Dakwaan di sini adalah beliau telah memberhentikan siasatan terhadap Tajuddin Ramli padahal Ramli Yusuff selaku Pengarah CID Bukit Aman telah mengesahkan kepada mantan Perdana Menteri Tun Abdullah Badawi pada 26.3.2007 bahawa Tajuddin Ramli telah melakukan jenayah dalam pengurusan MAS.


7.Pada peringkat ini, tidak ada kepastian samada dakwaan-dakwaan ini adalah betul atau tidak. Walaubagaimanapun tidak dapat dinafikan ada bukit yang boleh dipercayai atau "credible" untuk menyokong dakwaan-dakwaan tersebut khususnya dakwaan merekacipta keterangan palsu dalam kes "mata lebam".


8.Justeru, adalah wajar untuk Dewan ini membuat ketetapan bahawa Perdana Menteri membuat representasi kepada DYMM YDP Agung supaya melantik satu tribunal di bawah Perkara 125(3) Perlembagaan Persekutuan untuk menyiasat tingkahlaku Tan Sri Gani Patail dalam kes-kes tersebut di atas.


SIVARASA akan failkan usul tergempar berhubung AG

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 08:05 AM PDT

berita selanjutnya di sini

http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/191787

Sivarasa's response re: "COPGATE"

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 07:50 AM PDT

Minister Hishamuddin's response to Malaysiakini's report on on how informants giving information to the police on Johor underworld kingpin Tengku Goh were forced by ACA officers to change their statements leading to the outcome that Tengku Goh succeeded in his habeas corpus and was freed is the classic ostrich placing its head in the sand.  He response of "prove it, prove it" is typical "in denial" behaviour. Most unbecoming of a Minister purportedly educated in the law.

A responsible response would have been to suggest that perhaps besides making allegations in a newspaper report , that a police report should be lodged. Better still, that he had directed the police to lodge a report so that investigations could be launched as to whether the allegations were true.  After all, the allegations on first blush were credible because Malaysiakini was saying they had the documentary evidence in the form of statutory declarations. Very rarely does it get as good as that.

Hishamuddin's simple-minded response has a strong irresponsible element.  Mkini's expose show that  there are two conflicting versions – the version uncovered by Commercial Crime Investigation Department  led by Ramly Yusuff showing that Musa Hassan whilst Johor CPO ( before he became IGP in 2006) was in cahoots with Tengku Goh running gambling and money-lending syndicates.  The other version supposedly uncovered by the then ACA said that the allegations against Tengku Goh were fabricated . This version led to 6 police officers supposedly making these false allegations being charged – but the Court hearing the charges found them so flimsy it did not even call for their defence. And sitting in the middle of all this is the albatross of the AG Gani Patail who supposedly  pulled the file from the CCID and passed it to the ACA.

Surely the Minister must see the obvious point staring at us all – that an independent inquiry was urgently needed to unearth the truth. 

Surely he must see that the last thing a responsible Minister must do is to ask investigative journalists to provide him "proof" before he takes action.  Journalists do not run investigation departments or courts –they unearth issues for Ministers like him to act on.

The inquiring public will next ask – is Hishamuddin deliberately missing the point?  What is his interest in covering up the matter?   

Sivarasa Rasiah
Member of Parliament Subang

Dr Shafie Abu Bakar

Dr Shafie Abu Bakar


Banjir

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 03:01 PM PDT

Philosophy Politics Economics

Philosophy Politics Economics


NFCorp Director Disposing Assets

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 06:26 AM PDT

Based on the Annual Returns submitted to the Registrar of Companies and Business (ACRA) in Singapore on 15 July 2011, Wan Shahinur Izran was also the director and sole shareholder of Straits Beverages Pte Ltd whose principal activity was to operate pubs (including bars). However, based on the latest information provided by ACRA, the Company has since been "sold" to a British Virgin Islands (BVI) company – "Gold Index International Limited", whose shareholders cannot be traced. Wan Shahinur Izran has also resigned from the company as a director on 2nd December 2011 and two new Singaporean directors were appointed. They are Amir Mulyani bin Mohamed Solay and Alphonsus Wee Yew Hock who were appointed on 2nd and 16th December 2011 respectively. This proves that the NFCorp director is either disposing or hiding his assets in Singapore. Given that Straits Beverages was similarly set up with funds derived from the RM250 million government loan, such actions constitute a breach of the Anti-Money Laundering and Anti-Terrorism Financing Act 2001. The Act defines "money laundering" as the act of a person who — "engages, directly or indirectly, in a transaction that involves proceeds of any unlawful activity" or "conceals, disguises or impedes the establishment of the true nature, origin, location, movement, disposition, title of, rights with respect to, or ownership of, proceeds of any unlawful activity". We call upon the police to not only investigate the above disposal of assets in Singapore, but also discover how much for NFC loan funds have been transferred to Straits Beverages before it was "sold" to other parties for sums unknown. Despite a statement on the 14 January 2012 by the Prime Minister, Dato' Seri Najib Razak that the assets of the NFC have been frozen, it appears that the international assets of the NFCorps directors have been left untouched. Hence we would also call upon the Police to request that all the directors' international assets be frozen pending investigation to prevent further such disposal of assets.

NFCorp Related Company Distributed Shares to Directors

Posted: 11 Mar 2012 06:23 AM PDT

The directors of NFCorp have admitted that the money has indeed been transferred to companies which they own and are not related to NFCorp. However, they argued that these "so-called 'unrelated companies' of NFCorp where the fund was channeled to, were always meant to be the subsidiaries of NFCorp." The Chairman of NFCorp Datuk Seri Mohamad Salleh had in earlier statements claimed that it was always their intention to "rationalise the structure of NFCorp to bring in all associated companies and assets within the hold of NFCorp". The key "unrelated companies" held by the directors operating in Malaysia are National Meat and Livestock Company Sdn Bhd (NMLC), Real Food Company Sdn Bhd (RFC) and Meatworks Corporation Sdn Bhd. At the same time, many "unrelated companies" were also set up in Singapore. For example, by April 2010, RFC has also invested at total of S$450,000 (RM1.08 million) for 450,000 shares in Meatworks (Singapore) Pte Ltd. However, interestingly on 20 July 2010, shares owned by RFC in Meatworks (Singapore) were distributed to the individual directors of NFCorp. RFC had transferred 90,000 shares to Mohamad Salleh and his three children, Wan Shahinur Izmir, Wan Shahinur Izran and Wan Izzana Fatimah Zabedah each, leaving RFC with only 90,000 shares. The above transfer of shares to individual family members of Minister of Women and Family Affairs, Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil indicates very clearly that there was obviously no intent to "rationalize the structure of NFCorp" by making these "unrelated companies" subsidiaries of NFCorp. Had that been the original intent, what is the purpose of transferring the shares of Meatworks (Singapore) which is invested presumably with money from the RM250 million government loan, to the respective individuals? In fact, the act that RFC had invested S$450,000 in Meatworks (Singapore) and subsequently transferred S$360,000 (RM865,000) of these shares to the individual directors is another clear case of criminal breach of trust. We call upon the NFCorp directors to explain the above suspicious transaction, failing which we call upon the police and Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) to expand its investigations to cover the actions of all the Singapore companies owned by the directors.

念群与沙登人民同在 | Nie Ching for Serdang

念群与沙登人民同在 | Nie Ching for Serdang


Menghadiri Majlis Perkahwinan

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 05:20 PM PDT

10hb Mac, 2012 - Menghadiri majlis perkahwinan di Taman Impian Ehsan 



Ambil gambar dengan Raja dan Permaisuri sehari yang begitu cantik. :-) (More......)

Pesta Ponggal

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 05:16 PM PDT

‎11hb Mac, 2012 - Pesta Ponggal di Taman Balakong Jaya, Balakong


Taking picture with the excited children :-) 


(More......)

Trees Planting

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 05:06 PM PDT

11st March, 2012 - Tree Planting at Bandar Damai Perdana, Cheras





Planting tree happily with the resident of Bandar Damai Perdana 2. 40 trees donated by the developer were planted during this programme. 



(More......)

BORANG RUMAH MAMPU MILIK DICETAK SEMULA

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 05:00 PM PDT

Borang pendaftaran untuk membeli Rumah Mampu Milik (RMM) Negeri Selangor telah dicetak semula.

Borang-borang boleh diperolehi dari Lembaga Perumahan Dan Hartanah Selangor (LPHS) di Tingkat 5, Bangunan Sultan Salahuddin Abdul Aziz Shah, 40503 Shah Alam.

Borang-borang tersebut mulai dijual pada bulan Jun tahun lepas apabila Perbadanan Kemajuan Negeri Selangor (PKNS) melancarkan RMM mereka di Bandar Baru Bangi.

Walau bagaimanapun kesemua 2,700 borang bagi cetakan pertama telah habis dijual dan memerlukan cetakan kedua. Setiap borang telah dijual dengan harga RM5 yang termasuk kos memproses.

Untuk projek RMM PKNS di Bangi, sebanyak 640 permohonan telah diterima untuk 124 unit yang dibina.

Nama-nama mereka yang terpilih untuk membeli RMM itu telah dipamerkan di dalam laman web LPHS selama 2 minggu mulai 16 Disember lepas.

Tetapi dengan pengumuman bahawa 136 unit RMM akan disiapkan oleh sebuah pemaju swasta di Sg. Long, Kajang pada bulan September ini maka adalah dijangka lebih ramai yang akan mendapatkan borang ini.

Mereka yang mempunyai sebarang pertanyaan bolehlah menghubungi LPHS di talian 03-5544 7078,

(More......)

www.telokkemang.blogspot.com/

www.telokkemang.blogspot.com/


Kes pelik bekas IGP, AG dan ketua kongsi gelap

Posted: 11 Mar 2012 11:34 PM PDT

SUMBER MALAYSIAKINI: http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/191771

Ini juga pendedahan yang akan menguatkan hujah bahawa rakyat sudah tidak boleh lagi bergantung kepada pimpinan UMNO/BN untuk mentadbir Malaysia.

Maklumat baru kini diperolehi bagi memperjelaskan kes luar biasa yang didakwa membabitkan bekas polis paling berkuasa di negara ini, seorang peguam negara dan juga tokoh kongsi gelap lima tahun lalu.

Dokumen yang mendedahkan bagaimana maklumat yang dibekalkan oleh beberapa pemberi maklumat sehingga tertangkapnya 'ketua' kongsi gelap Johor Goh Cheng Poh atau juga dikenali sebagai Tengku Goh pada 2007 kini dimiliki oleh Malaysiakini.

NONEDokumen yang sama itu digunakan bagi memalitkan enam pegawai polis yang menyiasat kes itu.

Pemberi maklumat itu kemudiannya membuat kenyataan bersumpah bahawa mereka dipksa menukar maklumat asal oleh pasukan Badan Pencegah Rasuah (BPR) yang kemudiannya dinaikkan taraf menjadi Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia (SPRM) pada tahun 2009.

Sebaliknya, enam pegawai polis dijadikan mangsa dan didakwa memalsukan bukti terhadap Tengku Goh yang didakwa terbabit dalam perjudian dan pengubahan wang haram. Mereka bagaimanapun akhirnya dibebaskan, yang terakhir adalah pada pertengahan 2011.

Mimpi ngeri pegawai polis selama empat tahun itu bermula apabila mereka atas arahan Timbalan Menteri Dalam Negeri ketika itu Datuk Seri Johari Baharum, mula menyiasat Tengku Goh (Untuk peranannya dalam skandal ini, Johari sendiri pernah dituduh mengamalkan rasuah dan juga disiasat oleh Badan Pencegah Rasuah.)

johari baharumJohari (kanan) kemudian mengarahakan Ketua Jabatan Siasatan Jenayah Komersial (JSJK), Datuk Ramli Yusuff, yang sebelum ini adalah Ketua Polis Pahang untuk menjalankan siasatan dan bertindak.

Ramli kemudian mengumpulkan lebih kurang enam pegawainya untuk menyiasat dan semasa menjalankan tugas, mereka mendapati ketua mereka, Tan Sri Musa Hassan, bekas Ketua Polis Johor yang kemudiannya dilantik sebagai Ketua Polis Negara pada 2006 juga ada kaitan dan terbabit dengan kes berkenaaan.

Siasatan JSJK mendapati bahawa meskipun Musa ketika berkhidmat di Johor - telah menututp pusat perjudian haram dan melumpuhkan sindiket pinjaman wang haram di selatan negeri itu, beliau pada masa yang sama membantu "menyusunkan semula" beberapa sindiket berkenaan yang beroperasi di bawah "sistem payung" dikawal oleh Tengku Goh.

Berbekalkan maklumat daripada pemberi maklumat, JSJK telah menangkap Tengku Goh dan beliau dihantar ke Jeli, Kelantan dan diletakkan di bawah tahanan kediaman terhad.

Bagaimanapun kes semakin pelik.

ghani patail gani 060409Peguam Negara Tan Sri Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail (kiri) campur tangan dan beliau didakwa menggunakan BPR untuk mengakses fail sulit (digelar "Cicero") dalam kes itu.

Adalah difahamkan bahawa tiada sesiapa, termasuk Ketua Polis Negara mahupun Peguam Negara dibenarkan untuk mempunyai akses kepada fail 'Cicero' apabila seorang pegawai telah diamanahkan mengendalikan kes berkenaan.

Tindakan menggunakan BPR untuk campur tangan dalam kes itu mencetuskan rasa tidak puas hati di JSJK kerana ini adalah campur tangan terang-terangan dalam kerja-kerja polis.

Namun, JSJK tetap diarahkan supaya menyerahkan fail sulit berkenaan kepada Jabatan Peguam Negara, dan hasilnya kertas Cicero berada di tangan BPR.

Berdasarkan maklumat dari fail sulit itu, BPR memburu pemberi maklumat yang maklumatnya digunakan sehingga tertangkapnya Tengku Goh.

BPR kemudiannya menggunakan ugutan, taktik menakut-nakutkan dan menuoal-siasat pemberi maklumat itu berhari-hari sehingga mereka menukar kenyataan sebelum ini.

Majlis tunang anak Najib guna wang rakyat RM400,000

Posted: 11 Mar 2012 11:28 PM PDT

SUMBER SUARA KEADILAN : http://www.keadilandaily.com/jpm-biayai-majlis-tunang-anak-najib-rm400000/


Majlis tunang anak Najib guna wang rakyat RM400,000

PETALING JAYA 9 Mac: KEADILAN hari ini mendedahkan bahawa Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, telah menggunakan sebanyak RM409,767 wang rakyat untuk menanggung kos majlis pertunangan anak perempuannya, yang diadakan di Seri Perdana tahun lalu.

Pengarah Strategi KEADILAN, Rafizi Ramli berkata, kos itu merangkumi satu tempahan majlis bankuet di Hotel Shangri La yang menyediakan perkhidmatan katering untuk majlis pertunangan berkenaan.

Berdasarkan dokumen yang diedar kepada media, kos tersebut telah dicaj kepada Pejabat Perdana Menteri di Putrajaya.

"Hari ini kami tampil dengan bukti kukuh bahawa majlis tersebut dibiayai oleh rakyat Malaysia apabila keseluruhan urusan tempahan dan pembayaran dibuat oleh Pejabat Perdana Menteri," katanya ketika sidang media di Ibu Pejabat KEADILAN hari ini.

Bernama sebelum ini melaporkan majlis pertunangan anak Najib, Nooryana Najwa dengan warga Kazakhstan, Daniar Nazarbayev berlangsung pada 17 Jun tahun lalu.

Menurut Rafizi, KEADILAN juga telah membuat semakan dan berjaya mengesahkan individu-individu yang dinamakan di dalam dokumen tersebut adalah sahih.

Berdasarkan bil pembayaran, kos untuk jamuan VIP seramai 36 orang berjumlah RM18,792, kos jamuan tetamu berjumlah RM309,975, serta kos pengendalian berharga RM81,000.

"Tetamu tidak dihidangkan dengan menu rakyat 1Malaysia, sebaliknya menu yang mirip santapan di raja termasuklah daging panggang Australia, makanan-makanan laut dan pelbagai juadah yang di luar kemampuan dan imaginasi rakyat biasa," katanya.

"Adalah sangat memualkan apabila wang rakyat digunakan memenuhi nafsu dan citarasa mereka. Pada masa yang sama, Perdana Menteri membayar perunding-perunding untuk membina imej seorang yang makan bersama-sama rakyat dan menampilkan kesederhanaan," ujar beliau.

Rafizi berkata, tindakan itu menggambarkan sikap buruk kerajaan, dari perdana menteri hingga ke barisan menteri kabinet yang menggunakan wang pembayar cukai untuk kemewahan peribadi.

Sebelum ini, Pakatan Rakyat mendakwa Najib dan isterinya, Datin Seri Rosmah Mansur turut menggunakan wang rakyat untuk merisik perkahwinan anak perempuan mereka di Kazakhstan, dengan berselindung di sebalik urusan rasmi negara.

Dr Siti Mariah Mahmud

Dr Siti Mariah Mahmud


Jika tidak bersalah mengapa Sahrizat tidak pertahan diri?

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 05:54 AM PDT

KUALA LUMPUR, 12 Mac: Dewan Muslimat PAS Pusat (DMPP) mempertikai keputusan Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abd Jalil untuk meletakkan jawatan sebagai Menteri Pembangunan Wanita, Keluarga dan Masyarakat tanpa mengemukakan bukti bahawa beliau tidak bersalah.

Timbalan Ketua DMPP, Dr. Siti Mariah Mahmud berkata, sekiranya Shahrizat benar-benar tidak terlibat dalam skandal National Feedlot Corporation (NFCorp), beliau perlu mempertahankan diri.

"Memang dari segi siasatan SPRM sampai sekarang belum ada apa-apa keputusan. Beliau meletakkan jawatan atas desakan. Sekiranya dia yakin yang dia tidak bersalah dan tak ada kena mengena dengan dana NFC, pertahankan diri.

"Kalau saya, saya akan pertahankan diri. kalau saya tidak bersalah, pantang orang sebut saya bersalah," kata beliau ketika ditemui selepas istiadat pembukaan Mesyuarat Pertama Penggal Kelima Parlimen ke-12 di Dewan Rakyat hari ini.

Ahli Parlimen Kota Raja itu juga berkata, hanya dengan mengatakan Shahrizat tidak bersalah, namun ingin mengundurkan diri demi kebaikan Umno BN, itu bukan pembelaan diri yang baik.

"Saya juga bersimpati (terhadap Shahrizat) kerana apabila dakwaan-dakwaan ini tidak dipertikai atau tidak ditolak dengan bukti-bukti yang kukuh, maka ia akan tinggal sebagai dakwaan dan Shahrizat tidak ada peluang membela diri.

"Bagi saya tidak adil seseorang itu tidak diberi peluang membela diri dan setakat mengatakan dia tidak ada kena mengena dengan perkara ini, itu bukan satu pembelaan diri yang baik," katanya.

Sehubungan itu ujar beliau, perkara ini harus dijadikan iktibar oleh semua pihak sama ada kerajaan atau Pakatan Rakyat iaitu jawatan seseorang itu dalam kerajaan tidak boleh diambil kesempatan oleh ahli keluarga untuk mendapatkan apa-apa projek.

"Dari segi undang-undang dana itu diberi secara sah oleh kementerian. Sekarang ini persoalannya ialah kenapa diberi kepada keluarga Shahrizat dan dana itu digunakan untuk apa?

"Jadi sebagai peringatan kepada semua menteri atau bakal menteri atau semua yang memegang jawatan kerajaan, kita tidak boleh ada kepentingan ataupun keluarga kita sendiri pun tidak boleh mendapat peluang ini melalui jawatan yang kita pegang.

"Kalau seseorang menteri boleh mengatakan sesuatu kontrak itu diberi tidak ada kena mengena dengan dia, dia kena beri bukti.

"Ini bukan sahaja untuk kerajaan BN tapi untuk mana-mana kerajaan hatta Pakatan Rakyat sekalipun, setiap penjawat mesti sedia berkorban bahawa ahli keluarga tidak boleh dapat manfaat daripada jawatannya," tegasnya.

Semalam, Shahrizat mengumumkan pengundurannya apabila tempoh pelantikannya sebagai Anggota Dewan Negara tamat pada 8 April ini.

Bagaimanapun, beliau akan kekal sebagai Ketua Wanita Umno dan Ketua Wanita BN.

i n t a n h i j a u

i n t a n h i j a u


PRU13: PAS Perak pastikan ada calon DHPP

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 04:12 AM PDT


KUALA LUMPUR, 12 Mac: PAS Perak akan berusaha mendapatkan sekurang-kurangnya satu kerusi untuk calon Dewan Himpunan Penyokong PAS (DHPP) bertanding dalam Pilihan raya Umum ke-13 (PRU13) akan datang.

Menurut Persuruhjaya PAS negeri itu, Ustaz Abu Bakar Husin (gambar), kerusi DHPP itu masih dalam pertimbangan khususnya tempat sama ada Dewan Undangan Negeri (Dun) ataupun Parlimen.

Tambahnya, sebanyak empat calon yang dikemukakan oleh PAS Perak bagaimanapun mereka menyerah kepada PAS Pusat untuk membuat keputusan calon mana akan dipilih.

"Kita akan lihat kerusi mana yang sesuai dengan calon termasuklah juga tapisan yang akan dilakukan agar calon menepati syarat yang dikehendaki PAS. Mereka mesti melepasi tapisan PAS Pusat," katanya kepada Harakahdaily.

Beliau juga berharap DHPP Perak akur dengan apa yang akan diputuskan oleh PAS Pusat nanti.

"Kalau seorang sahaja calon DHPP yang diputuskan, kita harus akur dengan keputusan PAS Pusat itu," katanya yang telah menghantar senarai calon DHPP sebulan yang lalu.(harakahdaily)

JANGAN MARAH...

Posted: 11 Mar 2012 07:43 PM PDT

Lim Guan Eng

Lim Guan Eng


Letter to Kong Cho Ha: Penang International Airport In A State Of Distress (en/bm/cn)

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 03:07 AM PDT

12 March 2012

YB Dato' Seri Kong Cho Ha
Menteri Pengangkutan
Kementerian Pengangkutan
Blok D5, Parcel D,
Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan,
62502 Putrajaya, Malaysia.

YB Dato' Seri

Penang International Airport In A State Of Distress

With reference to our earlier conversation, I wish to bring your attention to the above subject.

In the last two to three weeks, the Penang International Airport has been in a state of severe distress. This is due to three reasons:

1. The RM250 million airport expansion project is behind schedule.

2. The works being carried out are defective, resulting in not only leakages but also flooding. Whenever it rains, it will flood not only outside but up to one inch inside the airport terminal.

3. This problem is causing massive disturbance and inconvenience to countless airport users, affecting not only their travel convenience but worse, also damaging their luggage.

I am sure YB Minister will agree that it is an extreme embarrassment to the country to have one inch of water floating inside the terminal of an international airport. As the airport is the first impression people get of Penang and in many cases, of Malaysia, I strongly urge YB Minister to intervene directly to resolve this problem.

This shameful situation is extremely serious and reveals a systemic failure in the whole project. It is therefore imperative that YB Minister take immediate action on this matter, and if possible to visit and see for yourself the sad and shameful state of affairs at the Penang International Airport.

I have attached a few photos along with this letter as stark proof of how bad the situation is.

This is a matter of national concern, and I sincerely hope that you will treat this it seriously and with grave importance.

Thank you.

Yours sincerely,

Lim Guan Eng
Chief Minister

— BM Version—

Lapangan Terbang Antarabangsa Pulau Pinang Berada Dalam Keadaan Yang Amat Menyedihkan

Merujuk kepada perbualan awal kita, saya ingin membawa perhatian YB Dato’ Seri untuk perkara di atas.

Dalam 2- 3 minggu lepas, Lapangan Terbang Antarabangsa Pulau Pinang telah berada dalam keadaan yang amat menyedihkan. Ini berlaku disebabkan 3 sebab utama:

1. Projek pembesaran lapangan terbang sebanyak RM250 juta lewat daripada jadual

2. Kerja- kerja yang dijalankan tidak sempurna menyebabkan bukan sahaja berlaku kebocoran tetapi juga banjir. Apabila hujan, banjir bukan sahaja berlaku di luar tetapi juga sehingga satu inci di dalam terminal lapangan terbang.

3. Masalah ini menyebabkan gangguan yang sangat besar dan memberikan kesukaran yang tidak terhingga kepada pengguna lapangan terbang bukan sahaja terhadap perjalanan tetapi yang lebih teruk turut merosakkan barangan mereka.

Saya pasti YB Menteri akan bersetuju bahawa kejadian ini amat memalukan kepada negara kerana air setinggi satu inci telah membanjiri terminal lapangan terbang antarabangsa. Oleh kerana lapangan terbang memberikan gambaran yang pertama terhadap mereka yang memasuki Pulau Pinang dan yang lebih penting, Malaysia, saya menggesa YB Menteri untuk campur tangan secara langsung dalam menyelesaikan masalah ini.

Situasi yang memalukan ini adalah amat serius dan membuktikan kegagalan sistem keseluruhan projek ini. Oleh itu, adalah penting YB Menteri untuk mengambil tindakan segera mengenai perkara ini dan jika boleh YB Menteri datang dan melihat sendiri keadaan yang menyedihkan dan memalukan di Lapangan Terbang Antarabangsa Pulau Pinang.

Saya sertakan surat ini dengan beberapa keping gambar sebagai bukti yang jelas untuk situasi yang buruk ini.

Ini adalah satu perkara yang menjadi kebimbangan negara dan saya amat berharap YB Menteri akan memandang perkara ini dengan serius dan dengan kepentingan.

Sekian, terima kasih.

LIM GUAN ENG
Ketua Menteri Pulau Pinang

—Mandarin Version—

槟州国际机场惨不忍睹

我谨此致函希望您关注上述事项。

在过去两至三个星期,槟州国际机场实在惨不忍睹。这是由于下列原因所导致的:

1. 这项价值2亿5000万令吉的机场扩建工程已经延期。

2. 机场的扩建工程缺陷处处,不只处处漏水,还造成淹水。每逢雨天,不只机场外淹水,机场内也会积水高达1寸。

3. 这种情况为机场无数的用户造成困扰及不便。不只为他们的行程造成不便,也损坏他们的行李。

我肯定您会赞同我,在国际机场内出现高达1寸高的积水,简直是国耻。机场是槟城给访客的第一印象,也是访客对马来西亚的第一印象,我促请您马上介入解决这项问题。

这种令人难堪的场面真的非常严重,也揭露了整项扩建工程存有系统上的缺陷。您必须马上采取行动,如果可以,您可以亲临现场,看一看槟州国际机场是多么地不堪入目及丢人现眼。

我附函附上照片,以证明其情况有多糟糕。

这关乎国家利益,我希望您可以高度关注这个问题。

谢谢!

林冠英
槟州首席部长

Speech at the AseanDemoracy& Economic Development Forum in George Town, Penang on 9.3.2012 (en/cn)

Posted: 12 Mar 2012 03:22 AM PDT

The fourth wave of democracy

It is generally accepted that the world has seen three waves of democracy. The first began with the adoption of democracy in early 19th century America and Europe, while the second wave occurred following the end of the Second World War through decolonisation and the restoration of democracy in many European countries. The third wave began in 1974, encompassing the democratic transitions of Southern Europe and Latin America all the way to the collapse of the Iron Curtain and the subsequent democratisation of the Eastern European countries.

In recent times, and certainly in the aftermath of the historic events now known as the Arab Spring, the world is once again undergoing a period of democratisation. In the Middle East, a region which has hitherto escaped democracy's attention, totalitarian regimes and once-untouchable dictators such as Tunisia's Ben Ali, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Libya's Colonel Ghadafi have been unseated and overthrown by their own people. The uprising of the Arab populace has spread like wildfire throughout the region, with many other regimes now under threat, most recently Syria's President Bashar Al-Assad.

This current wave of democracy, which many have appropriately termed as the "fourth wave",is not merely confined to the Middle East. In fact, we are now seeing repercussions and democratic assertions taking place in our own region, Southeast Asia. From the muted protests of the Singaporean people,to the Yellow Shirt Bersih movement in Malaysia, to the ground-breaking democratisation process in Myanmar, it is clear that the next decade or more in Asean will be an extremely interesting period.

I also feel that these events could not be happening at a morefortuitous time. With the decline of the 20th century economic powerhouses, a new global paradigm is emerging. As the United States, Europe and Japan, the traditional engines of global consumption, find themselves in a quicksand of long-term unemployment and underemployment, we in Asean find ourselves facing a serious challenge.

Ever since the end of the Second World War, emerging economies have been designed around an export-led production model to support these three major consumer markets. But now, with the Americans increasingly turning inward and with the debt crisis threatening to unravel the European economies further, the old model will no longer be tenable. With consumption power set to decline, who is going to buy our goods? In essence, we have to ask ourselves: who will be the consumers of tomorrow?

The answer is obvious. With more than 600 million people or around 9% of the world's population in Southeast Asia, and nearly 3 billion people or 40% of the world if we includethe rising giants of East Asia and the Indian subcontinent, it is only natural that we arepoised to become the next major consumer market.

The potential for this to happen is certainly real, but we must be aware thatsuch a situation can only be achieved if our people become stronger consumers, which means that they need to have more money in their pockets. In other words, economic democratisation must first occur in order to facilitate the growth of a strong consumer market in the region.

Sandwiched between India and China, Asean must necessarily position itself to take advantage of the shifting global order. We must ensure that the potential for economic growth is leveraged upon in a responsible manner in order to produce greater democratisation and decentralisation, both political and economic. Only by truly opening up both our political structures and our economies can we find the synergy that is required to achieve the goal of a single unitedAsean Economic Community by 2015 and beyond.

Myanmar: Asean's greatest test

Ladies and gentlemen,

As I mentioned earlier, our region is currently witness to sweeping and remarkable changes, not least of all in Myanmar, long considered as Asean's collective responsibility.

As Nobel Prize winner and Myanmar opposition leader Aung San SyuuKyi herself observed, "The possibility of a great transformation is in sight." These are exciting times for all of us in Asean, and we all share the greater responsibility of ensuring a peaceful democratic transition in our fellow member-state.

When Asean first decided to admit Myanmar in 1997, many had reservations. Some held the view that Myanmar should first democratise before being accepted as a full member. However, though it may be 15 years later, change is happening swiftly. In the last one year, we have seen the transition from totalitarian rule by an oppressive military junta to a more participatory and democratic society, albeit still at its early stages.

If democratisation in Myanmar is ultimately successful, we would then be able to offer the world a whole new model of democratisation. Myanmar would become proof that democratic change can occur not only peacefully, but in a wholly different manner compared to the uprisings in the Arab Spring. In the case of Myanmar, we are witnessing a top-down transformation as compared to the mass-led bottom-up revolutions in the Middle East.

We in Asean now have to play a crucial role in this historic transformation. Just as how we helped guide their entry into Asean, at a time when the rest of the world had shunned them, we now need to facilitate and provide assistance to ensure that the democratisation process fully benefits not only the 50 million people in Myanmar but also the other 600 million in Asean.

A new economy is opening up, and we must do all we can to ensure that their participation into the regional economy is as seamless and as mutually beneficial as possible.

Economic democratisation as an enabler of growth

Ladies and gentlemen,

The Arab Spring was a phenomenon that caught the world by surprise. Indeed, naysayers had for a long time claimed that the Middle Eastern people were not ready for democracy. You cannot democratise if your people are poor. As far as causality was concerned, economic development was seen as a prerequisite.

However, the Arab Spring and the worldwide movements it inspired, such as the anti-capitalist protests in Europe and Occupy Wall Street in the US, proved beyond doubt that people of all socio-economic backgrounds, whether they are rich or poor, professional or blue-collared, all simply want their voices to be heard. In other words, people desire for greater participation, both politically and economically.

While the Arab Spring was borne out of a hunger for democracy and political participation, the protests that took place in Europe and the US signalled a yearning for economic equity and participation. They may live in democratic and economically advanced countries, but they had very little economic value as individuals. In short, they were shut out of an economy dominated and advantageous only to a small group of capitalist elites.

Therefore, democracy must not only be understood in the political sense but must necessarily also mean economic equity and participation. The ordinary man and woman must be engaged with the economy in a meaningful and gainful manner.

In this context, economic democratisation can play a critical role as an enabler of growth. In normal circumstances, we talk about economic distribution as the natural next step after achieving growth. However, I now propose that we talk about economic distribution as a growth catalyst.

The idea is very simple. Take Indonesia for instance. If every Indonesian had one US dollar extra to spend every day, that will amount to 240 million US dollars extra circulating in the economy every day. That is no small amount. In other words, if we can increase the purchasing power of our people, especially amongst the lower-income groups, we will be sure to create a great consumer market.

In order for this to happen, we need a strategy that will collectively raise income levels, especially those at the bottom levels of the economy. This can be achieved by democratising the economy, allowing greater access and participation and creating more opportunities. Increasing skills will automatically increase productivity thereby allowing workers to increase their incomes. Higher incomes will mean higher purchasing power, and the natural result of that will be a healthy economy.

Therefore, our challenge in Asean is to identify this synergy between democracy and economic development. A truly democratised economy where people engage in meaningful participation will mean that we will no longer compete to see who can provide cheaper costs of business, but rather we will compete to produce more consumers. Instead of cannibalising each other and competing for FDI, it is far more productive for us to enrich each other.

Decentralisation as a key factor of multi-cultural Asean

Ladies and gentlemen,

Another key aspect of democratisation is decentralisation. It is an integral process that is based on the basic principles of freedom, empowerment and the sharing of responsibility.

We Asean countries have many things in common, chief amongst them a traditionally centralised structure of authority.Yet the process of democratisation in our region has seen these traditional structures broken down in favour of a more effective system where decision-making processes are shared through greater local autonomy for people at sub-national levels.

Decentralised structures of authority also allow central governments more space to focus on national policies rather than trying to resolve issues such as the collection of garbage or the efficiency of a bus route in a province hundreds of kilometres away. Unfortunately, my own country has been a little slow in adopting this approach, but we are hopeful for change when we take over.

Decentralisation is an exceptionally important issue in Asean, because our region is such that almost every country is multi-ethnic and multi-cultural, and by extension naturally wrought with the problems of identity politics.

For example, one third of Myanmar's population is made up of various non-Burmese ethnic groups. In Thailand there is the question of the Muslims in the south, as is the same in the Philippines, while Indonesia's expansive archipelago encompasses a myriad of different ethnic groups. Malaysia on the other hand is divided by the South China Sea, and with that comes many issues that divide Sabahans and Sarawakians from Peninsular Malaysians.

The question then is how do we resolve such issues? Do we resolve them by force and heavy-handed central authority or do we instead adopt a power-sharing approach?

In post-Reformasi Indonesia, democratisation has entailed a degree of decentralisation that has been remarkable to say the least. Some have termed it as "big bang decentralisation", in which significant responsibility and financial resources were transferred to local levels of government. Regional spending multiplied, public service facilities were handed over to local jurisdiction and a brand new intergovernmental fiscal system was put in place.

Today, we see an Indonesia with flourishing sub-national regions. This is a case in which democratisation has meant greater accountability and competitiveness at the local levels resulting in a dynamic growth model that has been able to withstand global economic pressures without much adverse effect. For example, Indonesia's secondary city Surabaya has been able to spearhead economic growth, surpassing the national average and continues to expand by capitalising on its niches and peculiar strengths.

Though far from perfect, Indonesia has been a somewhat successful experiment and indeed a model for the rest of Asean to learn from. Because of the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural nature of Asean, decentralisation is an issue that we need to be cognisant of. While important, decentralisation must necessarily be approached in a careful manner in order to create a situation of co-existence without compromising on national sovereignty.

Penang at the forefront of democratisation and economic development in Malaysia

Ladies and gentlemen,

I am glad to report that Penang has not been left behind in these developments. Ever since this government assumed power in 2008, Penang has undergone a process of democratisation, both in governance and in economy.

When we first took power, my first act as Chief Minister was to implement a new guiding principle for governance: CAT (Competency, Accountability and Transparency). Based on these core principles, Penang has become the first state in Malaysia to introduce an open tender system for all public procurements and supplies. This move, while simple, has been ground-breaking in Malaysia.

On top of that, we have also made available government contracts for public scrutiny, another unprecedented move in Malaysia. What's more, our public projects also involve rigorous public consultation. For example, when we announced our intention to undertake four major public infrastructure projects last year, we held numerous press conferences asking for public opinion and even engaged various civil society groups in two townhall-style forums which I personally attended.

As a result of the above measures, we have been successful at combating corruption, making us the only state government in Malaysia to be praised by Transparency International.

We have now followed up on that by making a public declaration of assets for every member of the state cabinet. In addition, as a commitment to democracy and freedom, our State Assembly last year passed the Freedom of Information Enactment, which allows people the right to access previously off-limit government information. We have also established the first speaker's corner in Malaysia, where one can not only enjoy freedom of speech, but also freedom after speech.

Our firm belief in good governance and democracy has paid off handsomely. For two years in a row, we have been tops in manufacturing investment in Malaysia. In 2010, we attracted RM12.2 billion worth of investments while we received RM9.1 billion last year. We have also charted the highest increase in passenger growth among all airports in Malaysia, achieved the highest drop in crime index, and are now rated the most liveable city in Malaysia. We have even achieved the most success in reducing debt – slashing RM600 million out of RM630 million in the last three and a half years – a 95% reduction of debt, the highest amongst all states in Malaysia.

When I spoke about economic democratisation and improving purchasing power and income levels of people, it was not mere rhetoric. In Penang we practice what we preach. Besides instituting the open tender system and achieving economic success, we also became the first state in Malaysia to eradicate hardcore poverty, with every household in Penang earning a minimum of RM600 a month. In addition, we also run a multitude of social welfare programmes, giving cash aid to senior citizens, single mothers, the disabled, schoolchildren, newborn babies and subsidised dialysis treatments. These are all part of our efforts to ensure that the downtrodden are taken care of, and in turn able to contribute meaningfully to our economy.

In other words, democratisation in Penang has taken the form of a people-centric government with people-centric policies. By this, we mean a government that does three things:

1. Listen to the people.

2. Do the people's work.

3. Focus on the people.

These three principles guide our work as a people-centric government. It is also our commitment to the greater cause of democratisation.

However, the path to a truly democratic society is far from complete, especially in our country. Despite the gains that we have made in the last few years, many challenges lie in our path. Earlier I mentioned the Yellow-shirt Bersih 2.0 movement. On the 9th of July last year, tens of thousands of Malaysians took to the streets to protest against what they believe to be massive electoral irregularities.

Such is the situation in our country where we are plagued by phantom voters, widespread gerrymandering, mal-apportionment of constituencies that totally run askew of our demographics, a compromised electoral roll and incidents of vote-buying. These are critical problems that we need to overcome in order to truly democratise.

However, there is much hope to look forward to. Thanks to the Bersih 2.0 rally last year, the Malaysian public has awakened. Never before has such a massive rally been organised in which the participants represented Malaysians of all walks of life. Young and old, rich and poor, Malaysians from all communities stood together to demand their rights as democratic citizens, standing their ground in the face of tear gas and chemical-laced water cannons that were used by the authorities to quell the demonstration.

We now face a crucial general election that is anticipated to take place this year. The coming polls will be the litmus test of democracy as far as free and fair elections are concerned. We hope that the Federal Government will honour the basic rights of "one person, one vote" and ensure that no Malaysian citizen is disenfranchised.

Conclusion

Ladies and gentlemen,

Asean has set the goal of achieving regional economic integration via an Asean Economic Community (AEC) by 2015. The AEC seeks to be a single cohesive market and production base, a highly competitive economic region, a region of equitable economic development and one that is fully integrated into the global economy.

The time is ripe and the global conditions are in our favour. We must capitalise upon this, and we are certainly able to do so provided we are clear on our foundations.

Democratisation is a key factor for the continued growth of our region, and the fate of Myanmar is our biggest test. As responsible partners in Asean, it is our duty to ensure that the democratisation of Myanmar is achieved peacefully and will result in their becoming a meaningful partner of growth.

Secondly, political democratisation must necessarily be followed by economic democratisation. With the decline of the traditional consumer markets of USA, Europe and Japan, Asean must emerge as the next consumer base, and we must do this by raising the skills, productivity and income of our people. We must ensure that economic growth does not result in widening income inequality. Instead, economic distribution should be seen as a growth factor and not an afterthought.

Finally, decentralisation is a necessary model considering the multi-cultural and multi-ethnic makeup of our region. It is an important issue that we need to tread as part of the ultimate objective of becoming a major global economic player in the future.

In Penang, we have shown that democratisation has resulted in a people-centric government with people-centric policies. Only by listening to the people, doing the people's work and focusing on the people, can we hope to catch the fourth wave of democracy.

The challenge therefore lies in our ability to ride this fourth wave of democracy, or risk being swamped and drowned by its undercurrents.

Thank you.

========================================

槟州首席部长林冠英于2012年3月9日在槟城乔治市的东盟民主与经济发展论坛上的演说:

第四波民主浪潮

原本世界公认的,历史上只有三波的民主浪潮,那就是第一波19世纪美国与欧洲的民主浪潮、第二波是二战结束后的去殖民化及欧洲重回民主化,第三波是1974年以降的南欧及拉丁美洲民主化,进而连带的推倒了铁慕及最后让东欧国家也走上民主化。

最新的一波就是如今后续还在进行中的阿拉伯之春,全世界又再经历一次民主化的洗牌。极权主义政权及独裁者如突尼斯的本阿里、埃及的穆巴拉克及利比亚强人卡达菲,莫不被其人民拉下台。揭竿而起的阿拉伯民众如星火燎原传偏整个阿拉伯世界,使到其他极权政府备受威胁,最近的一例就是叙利亚的总统巴沙。

如今这第四波民主浪潮并不局限在中东世界,我们更可以看到,它正在我们的东南亚区域中发生。从新加坡的无声示威,到马来西亚净选盟的黄衫军运动,直到缅甸破冰的民主化首航,可以预见在接下来的十年,东盟国家局势将会非常值得关注。

我认为这一系列事情的发生并不是偶然,尤其在20世纪的经济强权衰弱之际,新的全球典范正在冉冉崛起。当美国、欧洲及日本,这些传统消费大国正面对着长期的失业率而困扰,我们东盟正面对严峻的挑战。

当这些经济强权购买力衰弱,谁来买我们的产品?换句话说,谁将是我们未来的客户?

答案很明显,就是占据世界人口9%,拥有6亿人口的东盟国家,外加东亚巨人及印度的两强,几乎涵盖了世界人口的40%,约30亿人口的市场。这将会是我们下一个主要的消费市场。

不过,要形成这个消费市场,前提是要这区域的人口袋里要有钱,拥有足够强劲的购买力。换句话说,就是要先实现经济民主化,以加强区域的消费市场。

东盟国家如三文治般夹在印度和中国之间,有必要在全球秩序重组之际,抓紧机会。我们必须认真进行政治及经济的民主化与去中央化,才能确保我们潜在的经济成长。唯有解构我们的政治经济结构,我们才能以加乘的效果,在2015年之后达到真正一体的东盟经济体。

缅甸:东盟最大的考验

如我之前所述,我们东盟正经历天翻地覆的改变,一直以来被认为是属于东盟国家集体责任的缅甸,却是改变最大的。

诺贝尔和平奖得主,缅甸的反对派领袖昂山素姬也点出"一个巨大的改变可能就在眼前",这是让我们东盟国家无不振奋的。同时我们更要分担重大的责任,确保我们的邻邦在民主过渡期能和平渡过。

如果缅甸的民主化能够取得巨大的成功,我们就能向世人展现出有别于阿拉伯之春由下而上,群情汹涌的民主化模式,缅甸民主化将见证的将会是由上而下的权力和平转移。

作为东盟内的友邦,我们在这历史性的改变时刻扮演这重要角色,就如当年全世界遗弃他们的时候,我们如何帮助缅甸加入东盟一样,我们必须要协助缅甸在民主化中和平过渡,这不只福泽5000万缅甸人民,也将惠及东盟6亿人口。

新经济将诞生,我们必须确保缅甸能无间的加入东盟的经济体系,并尽可能的互惠互利。

经济民主化才能推动成长

从阿拉伯之春到欧洲的反资本主义示威,再到纽约的占领华尔街行动,在在显示了无论任何社会经济背景,是贫是富、专业人士或蓝领,所有人民只是希望他们的声音被听到。换句话说,人们渴望能在政治及经济上真正的参与其盛。

阿拉伯之春是渴望民主,而欧洲及美国的示威浪潮却是为了经济平等及经济参与,原因是他们虽然生活在进步国家,但是大多数人受到的经济利益少之又少,经济利益掌控在少数的资本精英手上,多数民众被拒于门外。

因此,民主并不是单单局限在政治范畴,它更扩及经济平等及经济参与的范畴。每一个普通的男女百姓都应该获得他们应得的经济权利。

在此,经济民主化可以推动成长。在一般的情况下,我们通常认为要先经济成长,下一步才来谈经济分配。但是,我今天的看法是经济分配应该作为经济成长的催化剂。

以印尼为例简单说明,若印尼人每天额外增加1美元消费,那么每天印尼经济将会有额外的2亿4000万美元在流通。这可不是一笔小数目。换句话说,若我们能增加低收入人民的购买力,我们将制造一个更大的消费市场。

为了让上述说法发生,我们得寻策让人们的收入集体增加,尤其是在经济阶级中最低的一群。这可透过经济民主化达到,允许人们更多的经济参与及制造更多的机会,增加人们的技能,自能增加生产力,也自然增加员工的收入,高收入将会带来高购买力,也自然会带来健康的经济。

因此,东盟的挑战就在于如何驾驭民主与经济发展所产生的加乘作用。真正的经济民主化乃在于人们在获得经济参与权利之后,不必再汲汲于比较谁能提供更廉价的商业成本,相反的是比较如何产生更多的消费者。与其你争我夺弱肉强食及在吸引外资上竞争,到不如一起互惠互利。

展现东盟多元文化的关键——去中央化

民主化的另一个重要层面是去中央化。去中央化是一个基建于自由、赋权(下放权力)及集体问则为原则的整合过程。

东盟国家的共同点或传统就是集权中央。但是东盟国家民主化过程中,这些集权中央的结构在国家层次之下,逐渐被更有效的以民为本的本土化集体决策系统所瓦解。

去中央化能让中央政府更能有效专注制定国家政策,而不是去管理各地方垃圾或是规划离首都数百公里的州属内巴士路线。很不幸的我的国家就是如此,还不能下放权力到地方,但一旦我们入主中央,我希望可以看到改变。

去中央化是东盟国家无法逃避的重要课题,因为我们每个国家几乎都是多元种族及多元文化的国家,这自然就会有身份认同的政治问题。

例如,三份之一的缅甸人是由各非缅甸裔的种族组成。在泰南与菲律宾南部都存在着穆斯林的矛盾,同时在印尼的群岛当中,更是存在着不计其数的不同种族。马来西亚则在隔着南中国海之下,让马来半岛人民与沙巴砂拉越人民产生隔阂。

问题在于我们如何解决这个问题?我们是否以中央的铁腕及武力解决,还是我们更应该以权力共享的方式来解决问题?

印尼在后烈火莫熄时代,民主化运动已经进入到去中央化的阶段,并取得不错的成果。有人形容这是印尼"开天辟地式的去中央化",很多重要权责及经济资源都下放到地方政府。区域财务多元化,公共交通地方化,而新的政府与政府之间的关系也一切到位。

今天,我们看见印尼国家层级以下的各政府百花齐放。这就是民主化让地方政府有公信及能干,充满动力的地方政府让印尼能抵受全球经济的影响。如印尼次级城市泗水就能获得比国家平均更杰出的经济增长。

印尼的民主化所带来的助益,已经成为东盟国家学习的楷模。因为我们东盟都是多元种族及多元文化的国家,所以我们必须认识去中央化。去中央化虽然很重要,但是在去中央化的过程中,我们必须小心翼翼进行,在不危损国家主权的前提下,创造共存的局面。

槟城在大马民主化和经济发展的前端

自从2008年槟州换政府后,无论在治理和经济上,槟城都已经历民主化过程。

当我们首次执政,我任首席部长的第一件事就是落实能干、公信、透明的施政方针(CAT),在这个原则的基础下,槟城成为全国首个无论在公共采购和供应体系上都公开招标的州属。这是马来西亚第一个突破。

更重要的是,我们的公共工程都征求公众意见,如去年宣布要进行四项公共设施工程后,召开多次的新闻发布会,要求公众提供意见,并在两个市议会举办相关论坛,我也参与其内。这使我们成功对抗贪污腐败,槟城是全国唯一受到国际透明组织表扬的州属。

接着我们公布槟州行政议员的资产,槟州议会也在去年通过自由资讯法案,赐予民众权利翻查之前受到限制的政府文件,我们成立全国第一个言论广场,除了还民发言的自由,也给他们发言后的自由。

良好的施政和民主带来丰厚回报,槟城连续两年在制造业投资额中全马居冠 2010年投资额达122亿令吉,去年为91亿令吉。槟州也是全国机场客运增长率最高的州属,罪案率是全国降幅最多,现在是全国最适宜居住的城市。我们也成功在3年半内减少95%的债务,原本6亿3千万令吉的债务减去了6亿令吉。

经济民主化和提高国民购买力不是空谈的。在槟城,我们除了实行公开招标和达到成功的经济,我们也是全国首个消除赤贫的州属,帮助每月收入低于600令吉的赤贫家庭。此外,槟州也实行数个福利计划,提供回馈金给乐龄人士、单身妈妈、残障人士、中小学生、新生儿和津贴给洗肾病人。

换句话说,槟城的民主采取了以民为本的政策,我们定义一个政府必须做到3件事:听人民的话、做人民的事、关注人民。

这3项原则导我们做个以民为本的政府,也是我们迈向更强大民主社会的承诺。

但是,要达到真正民主社会的路还很远,尤其是在我国。尽管这几年我们已取得一点成就,但前面还有许多挑战。刚才我提到净选盟2.0人民集会的黄衫军运动,去年7月9日,数以万计的马来西亚人走上街头,抗议不公平的选举。

我们的国家存在幽灵选民、不公正划分选区,选区人口统计不公、妥协的选民登记册和贿赂选民问题,这些都是需要克服才能真正做到民主化。

感谢去年净选盟2.0人民集会唤醒了许多人,以前不曾有过涵盖各行各业国人的如此大规模集会,年轻人和长者、穷人和富人、来自各社区的人民站在一线,即使面对催泪弹和化学水泡的镇压,大家依然不畏惧,为了权利和公民民主站稳立场。

预计今年举行的大选很关键,这将是备受关注的公正选举和自由的民主试金石,我们希望联邦政府履行"一人一票",确保马来西亚公民的基本权利没被剥夺。

结论

东盟通过"东盟经济共同体(AEC),设下在2015年实现区域经济一体化的目标。AEC主要目标是共创一个单一市场和生产基地、一个激烈竞争的经济区域、一个公平的经济发展区域 和一个地区完全融入全球经济。

现在是成熟的时机,全球情况有利于我们,我们必须善用,只要我们在明确的基础上,一定能做到。

民主化是对本区域持续增长的关键因素,缅甸的命运是最大考验,身为东盟负责任的伙伴,我们有责任确保缅甸和平实现民主,成为我们有意义的成长伙伴。

其次,经济民主化必须紧追政治民主化。美国、欧洲和日本的传统消费市场购买能力下跌,东盟必须成为未来的消费群,我们必须通过提高技能、国民生产力和收入,确保经济增长不会拉大收入不平均的距离,经济分布应被视为经济增长的因素,而不是事后才讨论。

最后,下放权力是一个必要的模型,有鉴于本地区的多元文化和多种族结构,这是一个重要的课题,我们需要走在基础的道上,成为未来全球主要经济的一部分。

在槟城,我们已经表明,民主的政府必须实施以民为本的政策,只有听人民的话、做人民的事和关注人民,才有希望赶上第四波民主浪潮。

挑战在于,我们是否有能力驾驭第四波民主浪潮,还是被暗流淹没吞噬。

谢谢。

Nuffnang