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Ahad, 24 Mac 2013

My journey - Wong Hon Wai 黃漢偉

Pengumuman pengecatan 23 blok Flat Jalan Mayang Pasir di Bayan Baru
Ceramah Politik di Desa Intan, Bandar Baru Air Itam
Pakatan Rakyat memulihkan projek terbengkalai di Teluk Air Tawar

Pengumuman pengecatan 23 blok Flat Jalan Mayang Pasir di Bayan Baru

Posted: 23 Mar 2013 09:44 PM PDT

Kerajaan Negeri menerusi program HAPPY atau Housing Assistance Programme Penang YES! 10% dan Penang Development Corporation atau PDC(80%), 10% oleh penduduk dan YB Pantai Jerejak Sim Tze Sin akan membelanjakan RM1.5 juta untuk mengecat semula 17 Blok Flat Jalan Tengah yang mengandungi 850 unit dan 5,000 penghuni serta 6 Blok Flat Mayang Pasir sebanyak 300 unit dan 1,000 penghuni.

Kedua-dua flat ini dibina oleh PDC 30 tahun yang lepas dan PDC telah bersetuju untuk menampung 80% daripada kos pengecatan untuk flat rumah kos rendah yang dibina olehnya. Menerusi program HAPPY kerajaan negeri bersedia menyumbang 10% dan baki 10% akan dipertanggungjawabkan oleh penduduk dan ADUN tempatan YB Sim Tzen Zin.

Ia juga menunjukkan komitmen Kerajaan Negeri PR untuk membawa perubahan kepada kehidupan penduduk flat rumah kos rendah supaya mereka dapat hidup bermaruah menerusi program HAPPY yang mempunyai dana RM50 juta.

Ceramah Politik di Desa Intan, Bandar Baru Air Itam

Posted: 23 Mar 2013 09:22 PM PDT

黄汉伟漏口风与卡巴星杨顺兴留守原区

•地方 •北马新闻 •2013-03-22 16:14 •点击数：82 •新闻由中国报提供

（槟城22日讯）行动党亚依淡区州议员黄汉伟漏口风，来届大选，他与该党武吉牛汝莪区国会议员卡巴星，及垄尾区州议员杨顺兴，都会留守原区。

　他呼吁选民继续给予支持，国州两票都要投民联。

　他昨晚出席发林钻宝庄居民，利用821个保特瓶制作的环保火箭（行动党标志）亮灯仪式时，一时漏口要求选民继续支持。

　行动党乌巴战车也首次开往该区露天泊车场举行政说会。

　黄汉伟察觉自己说溜口后，自打圆场说："没关系，这已是最终决定。"

　他也说，公正党实权领袖拿督斯里安华已承诺，民联若成功攻下布城，会在执政的100天内解决红色身分证问题。

峇都兰樟路改3车道

　他也指自已曾在发林居住，深深体会当地居民饱受的塞车之苦。

　"州政府昨天已与承包商签约，加宽槟峇都兰樟路至3车道，希望可在3个月内竣工，届时从发林天德园路直至峇都兰樟路，将会是一条3车道公路。"

　他指这是解决亚依淡区塞车问题短期方案之一，长期方案是两岸三通海底隧道计划。

　"两岸三通属2020年的计划，就像当年前槟首长敦林苍祐，他在1969年宣布建槟城大桥，16年后的1985年才落实通车。"

　另一方面，杨顺兴上台时，原本灯火通明的左右两旁两座组屋，竟不知因何断电，只靠乌巴战车上以发电机发电的亮光照跃现场。

　杨顺兴说，振林山选区只有54%华裔，胜算是个未知数，但行动党国会领袖林吉祥要出征该区，以带动南马的反风。

彭文宝指中央政府不学民联制度化拨款

槟州行政议员彭文宝说，虽然中央政府跟随槟民联州政府的派钱政策，但可惜仍然不愿跟风，制度化拨款给华小、淡米尔小学校、教会学校及独中。

　他也说，当槟州政府成立志愿治安队时，曾遭批评，第一个人就是前槟首长许子根。

　不过，他说，槟州目前拥有222支治安队，成员逾6000名，协助维持槟治安，以确保人民出入平安。

Pakatan Rakyat memulihkan projek terbengkalai di Teluk Air Tawar

Posted: 23 Mar 2013 09:19 PM PDT

Lebih 37 keluarga yang sebelum ini menetap 16 tahun di dalam kontena bakal hidup selesa kerana akan menerima pampasan rumah kos rendah menjelang 2014.

Jumlah unit rumah kos rendah yang bakal dibina di taman ini adalah 149 unit dengan 52 unit rumah adalah sebagai pampasan manakala bakinya akan dibuka kepada senarai menunggu pembeli rumah kos rendah yang berdaftar dengan Bahagian Perumahan Kerajaan Negeri.

Sehingga kini, perkembangan projek di taman berkenaan siap 25 peratus dan dijangka siap sepenuhnya pada tahun 2014.

Exco Perancangan Bandar dan Desa, Perumahan dan Kesenian, YB Wong Hon Wai hadir ke tapak pembinaan rumah kos rendah Taman Bayu Aman bagi melihat perkembangan projek berkenaan yang kini telah diteruskan oleh Kerajaan Negeri Pakatan Rakyat Pulau Pinang.

Projek ini telah terbengkalai sejak zaman sebelum Kerajaan PR memerintah. Bahkan masih terdapat beberapa lagi projek terbengkalai lebih 10 tahun yang lain akan diteruskan pembinaannya tidak lama lagi.

As reported in Sinchew.

北海‧巴尤安曼花園廉屋完成25%‧37戶貨柜居民明年初有屋住

大北馬

2013-03-22 16:29

黃漢偉（右3）與貨柜屋居民一起視察巴尤安曼花園廉價屋的興建工程，右為鄧國彬。（圖：星洲日報）

（檳城‧北海）隨著威北日落斗哇巴尤安曼花園（Taman Bayu Aman）廉價屋興建工程完成25%，並預計在今年杪順利建竣，已居住在貨柜屋長達16年的37戶居民，明年初即可實現居者有其屋的夢想。

這項在去年7月進行打椿工程的廉價屋計劃，首階段工程將建有149個廉價單位及12間店屋，目前整體工程已建竣超過25%。

黃漢偉：建298廉價屋單位
52單位賠給貨柜屋居民

檳州房屋、城市與鄉村策劃及藝術委員會主席黃漢偉說，該項廉價屋發展計劃早前被擱置長達14年，隨後獲得白武士Welcome Properties Sdn Bhd注入新資金，並與Blue Wagon Sdn Bhd合作下復工。

他說，該項計劃整體將興建2座擁有298個廉價屋單位的7層樓建築物，而首期工程的其中52個單位（每個單位面積600方尺）將賠償給貨柜屋居民，而另外97個單位將提供給相關居民優先購買，其餘剩餘單位則公開出售。

他說："為了這項擱置計劃的復工，我屢屢失眠，如今看到它的工程進行順利，心頭大石總算可以放下了。"

黃漢偉昨日（21日）與Welcome Properties Sdn Bhd董事經理拿督鄧國彬、檳州房屋局官員一起視察上述工程進展後，這麼說。

他說，發展商將會依據當年與貨柜屋居民所簽署的合約做出賠償們，即使該廉價屋在建竣後，每個單位市價已提高至4萬2千令吉，倘若居民當年獲得承諾賠償兩個單位，發展商也將遵守條例兌現承諾。

賴金淑：家庭成員很多
獲賠3單位盼再增購1單位

居住在貨柜屋16年的83歲老婆婆賴金淑欣喜的說，她總算即將等到了發展商賠償的廉價屋單位。

賴金淑說，其家人共有12人從16年前開始，就居住在日落斗哇貨柜屋的2個單位，當年孫子還不到10歲，如今都已長大成人，因此希望發展商承諾賠償的廉價屋單位早日落成，讓她和家人及早遷入新家。

根據合約內容，老婆婆和家人共獲發展商賠償3個單位，但她基於家庭成員很多，她還希望再增購1個單位。

峇都交灣可負擔屋計劃
預料今年內可動工

黃漢偉說，檳州政府推介總值5億令吉的"可負擔房屋計劃"，目前已有2項工程已在進行中，其中位於峇都交灣的可負擔房屋計劃的圖測也已獲得批准通過，並預計在今年內便可動工。

他指出，有關發展商目前已積極在處理土地的土質問題，至於在喬治市的可負擔房屋計劃，目前也已進入評估發展商的程序。

黃漢偉指出，檳州政府通過檳州發展機構所設立的5億令吉基金，總共將在全檳5個縣署興建多達1萬9千172個可負擔房屋單位。

黃漢偉強調，檳州政府向來都採取積極與全面性的態度州內的房屋問題，並因此而解決了不少前朝政府無力處理的多項遭擱置的房屋發展計劃，這足以證明國陣對州政府的指責都是無中生有的。（星洲日報／大北馬）

Piow With You 文标与你

BN YBU (Wang Rakyat) Untuk Beli Undi 国阵滥用人民公款，成立州政府直属机构来买选票

Posted: 24 Mar 2013 06:30 AM PDT

图：黄文标（右），与行动党霹雳州公共投诉局主任郑福基展示国阵拿人民钱来买选票的产品，并呼吁人民用选票来制止这些文化。

ADUN DAP Tebing Tinggi YB Ong Boon Piow mengkritik Kerajaan Negeri BN menubuhkan Yayasan Bina Upaya (Bawah Cabang Perak Aman Jaya) menggunakan wang rakyat serta sumbangan swasta demi memancing undi. Ini terbukti dengan banyak wakil rakyat serta penyelaras pihak BN memberi barangan keperluan dengan kotak label YBU serta logo dacing BN.

Kata beliau, dalam jawapan bertulis sidang DUN, pihak kerajaan enggan memberi jawapan tentang kotak yang labelkan BN. Dan cuma beri jawapan YBU telah terima wang daripada pihak kerajaan negeri,agensi-agensi kerajaan serta swasta.

行动党德彬丁宜区州议员黄文标指由霹雳州国阵大臣拿督斯里时代创立的Yayasan Bina Upaya (YBU),从2010年到到现在收到超过1千万令吉的政府和私人机构的赞助费。但这所谓要协助子民为宗旨的机构，其实是挂羊头卖狗肉为国阵政客提供买选票的工具。

也是行动党霹雳州副秘书的他表示他本人在霹雳州议会的书面答复里，得知该机构在2010，2011和2012，分别获得2百万令吉，4百33万令吉，和5百30万令吉的经费赞助。但是该机构却没有对外公开账目，服务对象的数据，而且还赞助国阵的议员或协调员来派发箱子印着国阵标志的日常用品。

他指在书面问题有问到什么方式来审核日常用品受惠者，受惠者比例，一个箱子里的含有什么和价值多少。但是州政府选择不回答,使他感到不满。因为州政府机构是最大赞助单位，换句话说明有动用到人民的纳税钱，国阵政客是拿人民的钱来买人情得选票。

他表示YBU收取千万的经费，但不让民联议员和人民知道该机构的运作方式及经费。所以霹雳州子民来届大选要支持民联重夺霹雳州政权直接方式来得到真相。同时对于收到日常用品的人民，无需用选票来还国阵政客人情，来制止国阵背着人民，用"阿公"钱来继续干着账目不清的活动。

Anwar Ibrahim

[VIDEO] Anwar Ibrahim: Towards A New & Better Malaysia

Posted: 24 Mar 2013 05:08 AM PDT

Malaysia’s looming election – Video nasties

Posted: 24 Mar 2013 04:57 AM PDT

The Economist – 23 Mar 13

A two-year election campaign nears its climax

WITH a tight election coming up, it is politics as usual in Malaysia—only more so. This month alone has seen the opposition accused of colluding in a foreign invasion of the state of Sabah in Borneo; the death of a private investigator, reviving stories of the grisly murder in 2006 of a beautiful Mongolian woman linked to a friend of the prime minister, Najib Razak; the leader of the opposition, Anwar Ibrahim, denying that he was one of two men appearing in grainy pictures online in an affectionate clinch; and a film shot on hidden cameras that appears to show large-scale corruption in the government of the other Malaysian state in Borneo, Sarawak.

Sailing blithely above the mud and filth that make Malaysian political waters so murky, Mr Najib went on national television on March 19th to deliver the scorecard on the "transformation programme" his government has implemented. He had a good story to tell, of robust economic growth of 5.6% in 2012, poverty virtually eliminated, inequality reduced and 400 legal cases against corruption initiated. And he was able to announce that a scheme to give cash handouts to poorer households will become an annual event.

All should be set fair, you might think, for Mr Najib's ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional (BN), to romp home again at the election, as it has done in every ballot since independence in 1957. Mr Najib is expected to dissolve parliament any day now, with the voting to follow in mid-April after a brief official campaign period (the unofficial one has now lasted two years or more). If he does not dissolve parliament, its term will expire at the end of April, and the election must then be held by the end of June.

In fact, the outcome is in doubt, for the first time in Malaysia's history. In the election five years ago the opposition coalition, the Pakatan Rakyat, for the first time deprived the BN of the two-thirds majority that allows it to change the constitution. That led to the downfall of the BN prime minister of the day, Abdullah Badawi. His replacement by Mr Najib was decided by their party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), which represents the Malays (who make up about 55% of the population) and dominates the BN. In 2008 Pakatan actually won a slight majority of the popular vote in peninsular Malaysia (ie, excluding Sabah and Sarawak). Affirmative-action policies introduced more than 40 years ago to favour Malays and other indigenous groups over the Chinese and Indian minorities were no longer enough to ensure an overwhelming victory for the ruling coalition.

The BN says it would like to campaign on Mr Najib's record of relative economic success, modest liberalising reform and statesmanship. The opposition wants to keep the focus on issues of fairness and corruption. It can boast of good performances by governments in some of the four (out of 13) states it controls in Malaysia's federal system. But its best hope is that, after more than five decades of BN rule, many Malaysians want change.

This time, some Pakatan members express utter confidence that it will come. That is probably bluster. The odds still favour the BN. Constituency sizes give greater weight to voters in the countryside, who tend to be more conservative than the wired, cosmopolitan and cynical residents of the cities. Mr Najib has the advantages of incumbency—such as deciding when to call elections. Waiting has deprived the opposition of the chance of postponing elections in the four states it governs. Simultaneous elections tend to favour the BN, with its greater resources.

The risk in waiting has been that unexpected events might intervene. One such has been the extraordinary saga of the "invasion" of Sabah in February by nearly 200 gunmen calling themselves followers of a pretender to the title of the Sultan of Sulu, whose holder in the southern Philippines once ruled Sabah as well. What seemed at first a kind of practical joke turned into an extremely ugly confrontation, in which 62 of the intruders and ten men from the Malaysian security forces have died.

The suspicions of opposition involvement (vigorously denied) stem from the composition of Sabah's population. A commission is investigating the award of Malaysian citizenship in the 1990s to about 800,000 Filipino Muslims. The BN is accused of trying to change the ethnic make-up of Sabah, and of importing potential voters. Sabahans of Filipino origin, however, might be alienated by a fierce crackdown on the intruders. Perhaps with that in mind, coverage of the mopping-up operation on state-controlled television stations has been low-key. Indeed, even if the invasion might harm the BN in Sabah, the government's handling of it may have helped it overall.

Nor will the government be much worried by the impact of the death from a heart attack on March 15th of a private investigator who in 2008 had accused the prime minister of having been involved with a Mongolian woman. His death has revived interest in the story of her murder in 2006 by two members of an elite commando corps. Mr Najib has sworn on the Koran that he never met the woman, and although the case continues to create excited chatter online, it is ignored by the mainstream press. In opinion polls, Mr Najib remains very popular, with an approval rating of 61% in one recent survey.

The steady stream of improbable allegations of sexual impropriety against Mr Anwar, however, although always denied, may have eroded his standing. They may also create tensions within Pakatan, whose three components are Mr Anwar's multi-ethnic party, a conservative Islamist one and the Democratic Action Party, dominated by members of the ethnic-Chinese minority. Perversely, some Chinese remain worried by Mr Anwar for a different reason: his early days as a firebrand Islamist student leader.

That he still has some chance of becoming prime minister is testimony to widespread anger at the corruption endemic in Malaysia. The hidden-camera film on Sarawak, produced by Global Witness, a London-based NGO, produced shocking evidence of state-government criminality in land deals. Its many viewers in Malaysia are furious. But they are not surprised.